It’s a Cat’s Life

The Phoebe Cycle

Month Six

There is a tiger in the tall grass.
She creeps among the blades,
Setting one paw
and then another
down, with tremendous care
as if on broken glass
until, just beyond the grass
she spots a hapless zebra.
It’ just standing there.
Her hindquarters drop.
She pins the zebra with her stare—
letting readiness grow ripe —
and riper still— until —
Pounce!   Aww…
Too late! Her claws
slash empty air:
The zebra has turned back
into a bumblebee; and the kitten
has already turned away
to search the yard for other prey.

 

Year One

 Desire boils in her throat,
a mewl of languid lust.
She craves
to flop beside the door and slide
whatever fits outside. Who knows?
Perhaps today her prince will come:
that squat tom from Cortland Street–
Or else… the sleek one with the stripes:
He’s good.

They’re all good.
They’re all good.
And she would love them all,
if not for the fascist tyrants who
keep her shut between these walls.

Oh, spare me stories of Leander, friends.
Forget your Juliets.
In all of history, never yet
has lover suffered like my pet,
my cat
My little Phoebe in first heat.

Year Eight

Hunkered on the couch beside the window
With her tail hanging off the edge
Our tubby tabby watches
two birds that squawk and fight
within that frame of windowpane.
Then a hound comes a-bounding
up the path—it looms! It veers away…
Next–hello! What’s this?
A butterfly of paper
dancing on the wind…
How interesting…

Just a few years back, this cat
would have been outside,
spitting at that dog.
giving those birds a scare,
and batting that paper into the air.
Now she’s content
just to sit there
watching placidly.

A good window is a cat’s TV.

Year Twelve

“Come here,”
said my mother, “is it normal
for a cat to lie like that
–so many hours on end
without moving?”

“For a cat like Phoebe,” I explained,
“for a finger-licking lazybones
like this fat feline here,
normal is a word one must use
advisedly.

Normal?

Why,
with Phoebe, I’ve seen days go by
without one event worth the flicker of her eyelid.
I have seen her lie
for whole cycles of the Earth’s rotation
on the cold linoleum by the back door,
where she can reach her food dish,
without having to get up entirely on all fours.”

Such were the stories on my lips as I leaned down
to pet her fluffy bulk
and found that this was not, after all,
our Phoebe, but some cardboard cat-shaped travesty,
perfect in repose, her eyes shut, as if
in full enjoyment of a nap.
Nothing but the soul that made her soft
had fled.

Oh Phoebe! As Frank O’Hara once said
of Lana Turner
“Get up, we love you.”
Phoebe, dear!
We love you, stop
pretending to be dead.

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Karzai and the Taliban

 

What’s Up With Karzai?

 

People keep asking me about Hamid Karzai, the president of Afghanistan: why does he blurt out such bizarre pronouncements from time to time? Now he’s claiming that America is colluding with the Taliban! What’s up with that?

His charge has left many people stunned. I, however, am not among the stunned. To me, it’s obvious that Karzai is making an appeal to the Afghan “street.”  These latest charges of his reflect a type of talk I heard pervasively in Afghanistan last year.

I began to hear it, in fact, before I even arrived in the country. At the airport in Dubai, I fell in with a bunch of young Afghans working in the Emirates. They came from various Afghan cities, but on one thing they all agreed. There is no such thing as the Taliban. The sabotage and violence in rural Afghanistan is organized by America. “They send spies into the villages to find thugs who will set off bombs and kill innocent people for money. It gives them an excuse to say the Taliban are here, we have to bring in our troops.”

They said they’d heard about this from Afghan translators whom the Americans hired to help them set up their nefarious deals with locals. Paradoxically, the young men also claimed the Americans always kill these translators after they have served their purpose, to keep them from talking. “Not one translator has come back from the field alive,” they told me.

I have quite a few relatives and friends who have worked as translators in Afghanistan and they’re all alive, but I made no mention of this because I didn’t want to argue with the young guys. I wanted to keep them talking.

Their ideas were typical, I discovered. In Kabul, for example, I heard that the Americans have come to Afghanistan to destroy the shrines of saints. A fellow who imports medical equipment told me that one day the shrine will be right where it’s always been and the next morning it will be gone without a trace. “The Americans swoop in during the night, raze it, and take away even the rubble. I know a man who has seen this with his own eyes.”

According to another rumor America is building a miles-long tunnel from Kabul to an underground city situated beneath the Bagram airbase, so that they’ll be able to come and go from Afghanistan without anyone knowing And a policeman told me that the guns the Americans (and NATO) are issuing to Afghans don’t work. He took his own American-issued pistol to a village wedding one day and it jammed after he fired three times. He speculated that one day the Americans plan to wipe out the Afghan army and police force; and on that day, when the Afghans try to fight back, their guns will jam.

Strikingly enough, I was hearing these stories in Kabul, from middle class urban folks, the very people whose livelihood depends on the American presence and the industries spawned by Western money. I had to wonder: if such are the whispers going around among them, what are people saying in the conservative, xenophobic countryside?

Last year saw a surge in “green-on-blue killings”—instances of Afghan army or police recruits turning their guns on their Western trainers. Some saw this as proof that Taliban agents were infiltrating the Afghan national security forces. The Pentagon has declared that these are mostly individual, unconnected episodes of people with private grudges going postal. I worry that something is filtering into the country’s new, NATO-built security forces—not Taliban saboteurs and sleeper agents but something more insidious: ideas and attitudes, an ominously anti-NATO mood.

Karzai’s pronouncements have certainly been erratic. Sometimes he blares support for the most reactionary ideas and players on the Afghan scene. Sometimes he trumpets his commitment to democracy and to women’s rights. To me, these don’t reflect the vagaries of his beliefs. Karzai is maneuvering for survival. He needs foreign military support, so his statements sometimes promote an image of himself and his cronies as viable allies of American interests; but he also knows that NATO will be gone someday. So he’s currying favor within the country, building a base he can rely on after the NATO withdrawal. When Karzai claims to see American collusion with the Taliban, what should interest us is not Karzai’s strange ideas. Instead, we should be asking ourselves who he thinks he’s pandering to. What does he see in his country’s social and political climate that we’re not seeing?

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Writing a Nonfiction Book Proposal

 

How to Write a Book Proposal

A Practical Workshop

 

Thursdays, 1-3 p.m.

March 28-May 2, 2013

 

$350

 

So: you have a great idea for a nonfiction book, do you? Well, step one is not to write the book. If you were a novelist, that would be step one. If you want to pubish a nonfiction book, however, you have to start by writing a book proposal.  A good one will get you an agent, the agent will use your proposal to secure a publisher ; the publisher will give you an advance, so you’ll have something to live on for a while: then you write the book.

nonfiction book proposal logo

How to Write a Book Proposal is a workshop for anyone who has a viable idea for a nonfiction book and wants to create a proposal suitable for submitting to agents. Writing a book proposal is a highly structured process that takes about six weeks. Not coincidentally, this is a six-week workshop. You come in with an idea; you go out with a full-fledged proposal: a 50-75 page document that includes an elevator pitch , a query letter, an argument, a synopsis, a chapter outline, a market report, a competition analysis, a biographical resume promoting yourself, plu stwo or three sample chapters. You do the work; I’ll guide you through it.

This workshop is limited to six participants.

 

About the Instructor

What do I know about writing a book proposal? Well, I’m an author and in a former life I was an editor. I have written four successful nonfiction book proposals, two grant-proposals to fund writing projects that resulted in published books, and a variety of other writing-related proposals. My books include Games Without Rules, The Often Interrupted History of Afghanistan (2012); Destiny Disrupted:A History of the World Through Islamic Eyes (2008) and West of Kabul, East of New York (2002). All started as proposals. My 50 or so published books include a nonfiction series for children, textbooks, memoirs (my own and others’), educational comic books, and a novel. I have been making my living as a writer for decades.

 

To register, contact:

 

tamim@mirtamimansary.com

 

415-359-7988

 
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Writing Workshop: Memoir

 

 

Life/Story

  

A Memoir Writing Workshop

 
Sundays,   May 26-June 2, 2013

 1-3 pm
$300  

 

Memoir–it’s the intersection between memory and story. Both ingredients—memory and story–are equally vital.  Like a journal, a memoir is a passionate account of your experiences–but like a novel it has narrative structure. Therefore you use all the tools and skills and tricks of a novelist to create suspense, make ‘em laugh, make ‘em cry, and generally make the story come alive.  Unlike a novel, however, a memoir is a story that really happened: the very word  asserts that the story is already there, it’s in the facts, and what you’re doing is not creating it but revealing it.  A journal may be eloquent, and you may choose to share it with selected others, but it is essentially a conversation with yourself. A memoir is inherently a conversation with others. When you undertake to write one of these, you’ve already decided to make your private story visible to people who don’t even know you, and this quest can have consequences; writing a memoir is not therapy, it’s artistic work,  but it may well prove to be a transformative emotional experience, for in this genre, writing well and breaking through to significant and possibly emotional discoveries about yourself are not two separate things; each process informs and supports the other and when they fuse, believe me, you’ve really got something .

The San Francisco Writers Workshop

The San Francisco Writers Workshop

Life/Story is a workshop for writers who already have a memoir in progress or have one in mind that they’d like to start.   The workshop gives you a chance to try out your work on other ears, the better to understand what you’ve written so far, and how to go forward from where you are.  At Life/Story you get constructive feedback from fellow writers, and as workshop leader, I provide critical advice, structural analysis, and help with the writing process.  Workshop members read one another’s work between sessions, sharing it via email or other means, and meet to discuss it.  There is no in-class writing, but I may recommend exercises and assignments writers might try on their own to strengthen their chops and solve problems in their work. Recommendations will be geared to individual writers’  particular projects and problems.

In this workshop we deal with:

  • How to bring one’s subject into focus;
  • How to see the story-like quality in real-life events;
  • How to tap memory prolifically for data and in some cases to rediscover forgotten details;
  • How to shape data into narrative;
  • How to  invest real-life events with such qualities as drama, humor, and suspense;
  • How to develop a distinctive voice;
  • How to achieve authenticity and, more important (from the literary point of view) the appearance of authenticity;
  • How to make one’s private story visible to a public;
  • How to achieve objectivity vis-a-vis subjective experiences;
  • How to hone one’s language into an instrument of clarity, color, and power.

We also discuss privacy issues—one’s own and other’s–particularly as it applies to publishing.

 

 

To register, contact

 

tamim@mirtamimansary.com

 

(415) 359-7988

 

Eugene 2011 2

 

About the Instructor

 

I am a long-time author, editor, and teacher and have written three book-length memoirs: West of Kabul, East of New York was a bestselling literary memoir about my own bicultural life.  San Francisco chose it as its One City One Book selection in 2008.  New Hamphire chose it in 2003 for its statewide New Hampshire Reads program.  Numerous colleges and universities,  such as Tulane, Temple, Carleton, and the University of Arizona,  have made it their Common Freshman Reading selection. Another of my books was The Other Side of the Sky, an as-told-to memoir for and about land-mine victim Farah Ahmadi. It made the New York Times extended bestseller list in 2004.   I have just completed a third memoir, Road Trips, about the American counterculture circa 1969-80, as I experienced/lived it.

In 2008-09 I developed a workshop to help young Afghan-Americans tell their stories, and it resulted in an anthology Snapshots: This Afghan-American Life.  For the past 16 years, as leader of the San Francisco Writers Workshop, I have worked with dozens of writers who were crafting memoirs; many of these ended up as succesful published books, such as David Sterry’s bestelling Chicken: Self Portrait of a Young Man for Rent and Michael Chorost’s PEN-award winning  Rebuilt: How Becoming Part Computer Made Me More Human.

 

 

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Public Good

 

 

The Public Good

 

Worker at a factory learning that his plant is being shut down and his job is gone.

 

 I worry that the idea of a common good is declining. Suddenly, for example, that dour intellectual battleaxe of the 1950s, Ayn Rand, has found an enthusiastic new audience among young adults. This is the same Ayn Rand who identified self-interest as the highest good and preached that caring about others was a fake value invented by the contemptible weak as a means of hobbling the heroic strong.

Somehow, her ideas have acquired a patina of cool.

I was fulminating about all this the other day, sounding, I’m sure like the crusty old codgers of my youth. Picture skinny old men shaking their canes and yelling in high-pitched, cracked voices, “Young people today! No respect!”

My wife heard my fulminations and took me to task. “Young people are no more selfish than they ever were,” she said. “In fact, less so. Just look at websites like Kickstarter and Kiva and Indigogo, and how popular they are.” For anyone who doesn’t know, these websites let anyone seeking money for a cause connect up with people who want to donate (or loan) money to their exact cause. And it’s working. People really are getting funding for all kinds of good works, and a lot of it is coming from the young; maybe most of it.

But I never disputed the idealism. I’m not saying young people are getting more selfish. I know lots of young adults who have compassionate feelings and want to reach out. They just want to choose who they reach out to. They want their giving to reflect who they are. Helping others becomes, to some extent, an act of self-definition, self-realization. Self-expression.

Which is fine. But I’m just saying, the social compact of old offered a different proposition. It proposed that individuals relinquish their idea of themselves as the center of the universe and see themselves as smaller parts of a greater whole, a society whose collective promise was that no one would be left (entirely) behind.

At the leftist end of the axis, that compact was expressed as socialism. And when I was young, though “communist” might have been a curse word to older folks in mainstream America, calling someone a “socialist” was no worse than calling them “European.” Many young people cheerfully embraced “socialist” as a label. They saw no stigma in it. In many quarters, “socialist” had a positive connotation. It meant you believed it was right to care about the well-being of the whole society and that you had a duty to contribute to that well-being. Giving money to a beggar was fine, but it was merely charity. Fighting for a social program that would help thousands was on a higher plane, more noble, and that’s what being a socialist was all about, that struggle.

That’s the thing that’s vanishing, seems to me. In its place, rising up like swamp gas, is a notion that the whole will take care of itself if only every individual looks out for his or her own interest vigorously and competitively, giving now quarter and asking for no help. Seeking the well-being of one’s own individual self is what has glamour now.

I overheard a conversation between two twenty-somethings in a bookstore one day about an election. The guy was telling the woman that he was not going to vote for a certain candidate.

Why not? she asked. After all, the candidate had the right stand on many issues; and she went on to list positions of which she and her guy both evidently approved.

Yes, the guy admitted, “but on the other hand…” And he cited a list of issues on which the candidate was at odds with him. In fact, declared this fellow, he had decided not to vote at all, because: “There just isn’t any candidate out there who really represents ME.”

I thought about his expectation. I thought about the implication that the only candidate worth voting for is one whose preferences and positions exactly match your own. At some level (polls tell us) that is what many voters look for in a candidate now—a surrogate self: someone who “represents” them by looking, sounding, talking and thinking exactly as they do.

I have to say, I’m not one of those voters. A candidate who held exactly the same positions and preferences as me would be ineffective. And a candidate exactly like me would be a disaster. I’m good at some things, but I know I’d be no good at being president. Or vice president. Or the Senator from California. Or dogcatcher of a small town. I’m looking for someone whose positions and approaches I can approve of in the main, and who also, in my judgment, would be able to work with enough different people to effect some worthwhile changes and who could take decisive but judicious action when needed.

To me, if you’re looking for a candidate exactly like yourself, you’re looking at voting as a form of self expression.

What strikes me is the way this development in politics mirrors a modern trend driven by technology. This goes back to the algorithms that power all search engines. These identify the preferences of the person searching and offer them (the algorithm’s best guess of) what they’re looking for and also of what else they might like.

As some hi-tech professional once put it (I forget who or where) “each person who visits Amazon.com enters a bookstore visited by no other person on Earth.”

That’s because anyone with a history of purchasing books on Amazon is offered a range of books that have been selected by the search engine based on that consumer’s earlier choices. The same is true of Netflix. Pandora, Youtube, et al.

The same is true of Google: every single person who seeks information from Google gets a different set of options. When I Google the term “Egypt”, I get lots of information about the Muslim Brotherhood, the Egyptian elections, the Arab Spring, etc. When a friend of mine Goggles the same term on her computer, she gets a list of websites about mummies, the temples at Luxor, airlines offering bargain flights to Cairo, etc.

But that’s not the worst of it. Another friend mine has enthusiastically embraced the idea of “seasteading”—of building floating cities on the ocean and declaring them sovereign countries. He tells me the idea is catching on wildly; there’s a virtual prairie fire of enthusiasm about it in the country. “Just Google seasteading,” he urged.

He said this because when he Goggles the term he gets endless lists of blogs that rave about seasteading. When I Google that term, I get sites on which people are ranting about how naive, dopey, and possibly unethical the idea is.

Here’s the creepy thing. I got these sites the first time I Googled “seasteading.” The list Google gave me wasn’t derived from choices I had previously made about this term Somehow, Google’s algorithm had an opinion about my opinion of seasteading. It turns out that Google’s algorithm has its opinion about my opinion of any topic I might look up, every topic I might ever look up.

What does this mean? To me it means that we’re slowly losing the capacity to see what the universe looks like from any place except where we are standing. As people do less and less live interacting with communities of other people in problem-solving settings—in offices, schools, town hall meetings, union sessions, conferences, and so on—and let their interactions with the world be mediated increasingly by search and information technology and its algorithms, this trend will speed up. Every person will in fact be the center of the universe.

Politically, my whole life I have been committed to the notion of a public good and to the idea that each of us has a duty to contribute to it. But that enterprise depends on a common vision that all the members of a society can enter into. Politics is partly about building that common vision. I fear for the prospects of such a politics in a world from which the very idea of a public good has vanished and nothing remains but private interests duking it out in a competition of all against all.

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Not Your Founding Father’s Democracy

 

 

 

Not Your (Founding) Father’s Democracy

 

 

 

Another gut-wrenching presidential campaign season screams into full gear. What a process! Why on Earth did the founders ever craft such a system?

Actually, they didn’t. The process we are in the middle of bears little resemblance to the one that put George Washington in office. For better or for worse, huge innovations have entered the system. Here (as I see it) are the ten of hte biggest changes. I wrote this column two elections ago, so I don’t include here the impact of social media and the Internet in general. That’s material for a whole other column to come.

1. Today we have a popular vote.

In the first 34 years of our republic (spanning the terms of five presidents) we had no popular vote to speak of. Then as now, presidents were chosen by the electoral college, as mandated by the constitution, but at first, the electors in many states were simply appointed by state lawmakers. So, in California, for example, the state assembly would assemble behind closed doors and pick some delegation to send to Washington, and that delegation would decide who Californians wanted for president. Gradually, however, states came around to letting voters pick electors, the system we have today. The first time enough states did this to make a popular vote even worth recording was 1824. (A total of 356,035 ballots were cast for president that year.)

2. Today we have political parties.

The constitution never mentions political parties. The founders thought they would be divisive and hoped to prevent any from forming. In their vision, the nation’s top leader would be chosen from amongst eminent personalities who had proven themselves above all special interests. The process would simply entail selecting the most capable of all the available sages. The founders thought such a lineup existed and always would.

They were naïve, of course. Today, no one can seriously run for president unless they belong to a party; and political parties by nature represent subsets of the nation, not the nation as a whole. A presidential election today represents a struggle between conglomerations of interest groups—rural vs. urban, oil interests vs. environment, and so on.

3. Today we have presidential campaigns.

This wasn’t part of the original plan. The founders considered “vote-chasing” undignified. Of course, supporters of early presidential hopefuls did write diatribes and polemics on behalf of their heroes, but George Washington held no campaign rallies. That I Like Tom button you’ve been hoarding probably references Tom Arnold, not Thomas Jefferson. Vote-chasing did not come into full bloom until the election of 1840. Not coincidentally, that was the first year a nationwide popular vote existed.

4. It now takes money to win the presidency.

Washington spent virtually nothing to become president. The next few candidates incurred only small costs—small enough to handle out of their own and their friends’ pockets. Really big money didn’t pour into presidential campaigns until after the Civil War. A crucial turning point came in 1896, when William McKinley’s campaign manager basically invented systematic fundraising. That year, McKinley raised and spent about seven million dollars to his opponent’s piddly $650,000. This year, according to the Financial Times of London, the two presidential candidates have spent over $1.2 billion dollars between them. Whatever else a presidential election may be, it’s now a contest between fundraising honchos.

5. Persuasive techniques developed for business are used in politics now.

In the distant past, advertisers were in charge of herding existing demand toward their client’s products. The advent of television, and the rise of “Madison Avenue,” brought a subtle change. Now advertising professionals took on the task of creating demand. In the 1950s, advertisers made the heady discovery that they could actually do this—motivate people to buy things they did not start out wanting. Political campaign professionals were quick to draw on the expertise of Madison Avenue to create, shape, mold, and herd public opinion. This tends to blur the boundary between what we think and what political professionals want us to think–whatever else it may be, a presidential election is now a contest between marketing teams.

 

 

6. Today, candidates come to us in “bite-sized” portions.

It’s part of the effect of advertising in politics, but I think this one deserves separate mention. In 1952, Dwight D. Eisenhower’s campaign hired ad whiz Rosser Reeves straight out of Madison Avenue. Reeves had invented the slogan

“melts in your mouth, not in your hand” for M&M (one of the century’s 15 greatest ad slogans according to many advertising experts), and Eisenhower’s team thought Reeves might do for Ike what he had done for candy. Reeves happened upon a seminal idea called “spot advertising.” Reeves saw that moments of time were for sale between hit shows on television. He could buy those “spots” for small bucks and thereby reach the huge audiences built at a cost of millions by the big companies that sponsored the shows. The only catch: he had to deliver a message in 30 seconds or less. Rosser made a series of “spot ads” for Ike that compressed a town-hall meeting feeling into a 30-second clip. Today’s presidential campaigns consist largely of “spot ads,” “sound bites,” and the like. 

7. Today the candidates interact with voters through mass media. 

About sixty years ago, technology made it possible for candidates to speak to millions at one time through radio and television. Frank Merriam, who ran for governor of California in 1934, was the first to really exploit the political potential of mass media—he used radio advertising (and fake newsreels) to squash populist Upton Sinclair. 

Today, the bulk of the money raised by presidential candidates goes into mass media buys. One consequence of addressing millions at once is that candidates have to deliver least-common-denominator messages. However… 

8. Mass media appeals are now filtered through “narrowcasting.” 

Mass media still rules, but so many forms of media now exist that campaigns can deliver tailored messages to different target audiences. Viewers experience these ads as mass appeals—as what the candidates is broadcasting to everybody. Actually, different demographic segments see slightly different messages. What’s more, the direct-mail industry has databases from which it can assemble lists of individuals fitting particular profiles based on the products they buy, the television shows they watch, the work they do, etc. By mail and phone, therefore, particularized messages can be delivered to each individual appropriate to his or her opinions and leanings. The Internet will undoubtedly promote this trend. 

9. Polling has come to permeate the election process. 

Scientific polling was invented in the 1920s as an instrument of business, but it didn’t enter politics until the late 1930s, when Franklin D. Roosevelt began using a private polling service. At that point, polling was still a one-way process: the president would give a speech and then see how it went over. 

In the election of 1960, however, the Kennedy campaign began running polls in a given area before a candidate’s appearances and use the results to write the speeches he would give there—which changes the function of polling. By 1976, Jimmy Carter’s key campaign advisors included a pollster, Pat Caddell. Reagan followed suit and brought his pollster into the White House to help him govern. All these precedents have endured. 

Meanwhile, pollsters have refined their techniques through the use of “focus groups.” These are small groups of people selected to mirror a particular demographic profile. Campaign professionals sit down for in-depth discussions with a focus group to get behind mere numbers and root out people’s underlying emotions and unconscious leanings. In 1984, for example, focus group research helped Mondale discover that Gary Hart’s supporters felt uneasy about Hart’s ability to handle an international crisis. Ads based on that research stopped Hart’s momentum. 

Polling enables candidates to tell the voters what they want to hear. As a result, voter cannot tell what the candidates really think. Yet the opinions politicians glean from voters may be the very ones their own campaigns have planted out there, through advertising. In combination, then, polling and opinion management create a hall of mirrors in which no one knows what anyone really thinks. 

10. Today political consultants run presidential campaigns. 

Once upon a time, people who wanted to be president gathered a group of supporters and molded them into a staff of loyalists who did the tasks needed to get their man elected. 

Then in the early 1930s, a husband-and-wife team in California, Clem Whitaker and Leone Baxter, set up the first political consulting firm. They offered clients a complete package of campaign services, from developing strategy to writing speeches to catering fundraising dinners—in short, they turned campaigning into a paid service separable from any particular candidate or cause, just like lawyering or advertising.

Political consultants now dominate elections at every level. At this point, they still remain vaguely associated with one side or the other of the political spectrum, but when the fiercest Democratic hired-gun James Carville can marry his fiercest Republican counterpart Mary Matalin, you know that electing a candidate exists today as a content-free abstraction, a craft in itself, independent of any particular worldly goal. 

And yes, there is a Society of Political Consultants, and yes, they are holding an awards banquet in 2005 to hand out “Pollies” for the best political consulting of the past year. Whatever else it might be, a presidential election is now a race to win a Pollie.

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The Case for Liberal Arts

 

  

Higher Education

 

The Case for Liberal Arts  

 

 

It’s too soon to write obituaries for the classic, residential, liberal arts college. Applications at my own alma mater, Reed College, are up. Ditto for Haverford, Williams, and all their ilk.

But why would anyone pay for an education that provides no concrete job skills?

Seven arts

The answer traces back to the first European universities. Those universities had no founders but formed spontaneously because scholars gravitated to places with books and students gravitated to places with scholars. The University of Paris, for example, grew out of the community of learners around Notre Dame cathedral.

Early on, this first university organized learning into four colleges. Every student had to first get through the College of Art. Those who did were titled “beginners” or, in Latin, “baccalaureates”—whence comes our modern-day Bachelor (of Arts).

At that gateway college, students studied seven “arts”: grammar, rhetoric, logic, arithmetic, geometry, astronomy, and music. In short, they learned how to think, write, speak, argue, and calculate. Only then were they allowed to pursue advanced studies at the College of Theology, Law, or Medicine.

Mere baccalaureates could get positions in the church or secular jobs as “clerks” and “notaries,” so the College of Art did have vocational implications, but only as a by-product. Its core purpose was to turn raw noodles into “well-educated persons.”

That mission remains.

The well-educated person

A liberal arts education proposes to give students a survey from up high of the whole landscape of human knowledge. Then, B.A. in hand, students can make their way to the grubby real-world corner that suits them best. They’ll make better choices, goes the thinking, once they’ve seen the context. And their work will better serve the common good if they know how it fits in with the human endeavor.

Ultimately, then, the driving ideal of a liberal arts education is to forge well-educated persons. This presumes that “well-educated” is a coherent quality, quite apart from “good at this” and “good at that.”

What this quality is and how it’s formed remains always in play. In America, however, until about 30 years ago, the liberal arts curriculum had a definite three-part form:

1. First, a core course that gave students a big picture of where civilization had been and where it was going.

2. Second, distribution requirements led students to take courses in disparate disciplines and thus experience different modes of thinking and the range of human thought.

3. Third, a major immersed students in deeper study of one field.

The last two planks remain intact, but student activists of my generation dented the first one. We charged that core humanities courses really boiled down to reverent study of books written by “dead white European males,” ignoring the contributions of women, Blacks, Latinos, Asians and others; and besides, we said, students being so varied, why should we all have to squeeze through the same portal?

Many colleges dropped the core course idea. But a few (Reed, for example) never abandoned the ancient doctrines. And at least one college, St. Johns, aggressively clung to a curriculum built almost entirely around “great books” (of Western Civilization.)

Now, however, many colleges are painstakingly reconstituting core humanities courses, often with a global cast. As it turns out, “we’re-all-different” is not really an argument for abandoning a core course. It’s the strongest reason to have one!

Elitism?

Still, the question remains: what good does it do any individual to be “well-educated”? Is this not an elitist concept analogous to the aristocratic notion of “gentleman?”

I’ll quote an answer someone gave me recently. Alicia Neumann earned her B.A. from Occidental, a traditional liberal arts college in California. Years later, she went back to school and got a Master’s in Public Health. Now she works in her new field and doing well. But what makes her good at her job, she confided, is mostly stuff she learned at Occidental.

“Just the ability to give and get information clearly!” she declared. “So much of my job consists of writing—emails, reports, letters! Or attending meetings, giving presentations. The ability to get my point across is major. I look around at some of my colleagues who skipped the liberal arts and they’re fuzzier at communication. It’s an obstacle in their work. It makes them less efficient.

“Then, there’s the ability to synthesize. A lot of what I did in college was collect information from many sources, discern patterns, and put it together to make a new point. Back then I did it with literature, but the underlying skill is applicable to everything I do now.

“One of my friends is a lobbyist in Washington, and she’s just zooming up through that world. Why? Because she can write and think.”

This is what a liberal arts education is about, just as it was 900 years ago at the College of Art in Paris. And this is why places like Reed and Occidental keep flourishing: they open pathways to leadership and power in America, not just because of whom one meets at such places, but because of what one learns there.

Yes, a good liberal arts education tends to produce America’s elite, but that’s not a reason to mark it down. It’s a reason to keep it open to students from all walks of life.

 

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Lately in Afghanistan

 

 

Lately in Afghanistan

  

 Here’s a rundown of developemen in (and/or related to) Afghanistan over the last month.

August 22, 2012

  • The U.S. military has beefed up security measures for contractors in Afghanistan to protect them against “green-on-blue” violence—incidents in which Afghans in army or police uniforms attack the NATO soldiers they’re working with.
  • New Zealand prime minister John Key said his country’s 145 troops will be withdrawn from Afghanistan in April of 2013, a bit earlier than planned. This month, his country suffered five casualties in Bamiyan, long one of Afghanistan’s most peaceful provinces but an area that seems to be sinking into violence now.

August 21, 2012

  • A rocket hit and damaged a plane at Bagram airport. Rockets hitting foreign bases are commonplace here, but this plane belonged to General Martin Dempsey, chairman of the US Joint Chiefs of Staff, who was sleeping nearby. Dempsey is in Afghanistan to discuss the green-on-blue attacks with Afghan officials.
  • The Afghan government has developed a plan to spy on its own army and police forces as part of the effort to stop green-on-blue attacks. The Pentagon is expanding counterintelligence staff in Afghanistan and assigning a “guardian angel” to observe gatherings of NATO and Afghan troops and identify potential troublemakers.
  • The Pentagon claims its studies show that most “green-on-blue” attacks are not carried out by Taliban infiltrators but by disgruntled individuals working out private grievances.
  • A consortium of Indian companies will bid on the right to mine copper at the Shaida mine in Herat province.

August 20, 2012

  • Two men in Afghan police uniforms killed a NATO soldier in southern Afghanistan and then fled. The previous week, a 15-year-old Afghan working for the police chief of Garmsir district in Helmand Province stole a Kalashnikov rifle from an unlocked army barracks and killed three Marines exercising in a gym, then walked out to brag: “I just did jihad.”
  • The US military has put the Green Berets, the navy SEALS, the marines special operations, and the elite forces of Afghanistan, Britain, Norway, the United Arab Emirates, Jordan, and 20 other countries under one unified command.
  • Insurgents fired into a crowded mosque in Kapisa on the first day of Eid. Security forces killed two of them. The rest fled.

August 19, 2012

  • A man in a police uniform killed an American serviceman in Helmand province.
  • Iran denies any role in suicide bombings that have killed 28 people in Afghanistan recently.
  • A NATO drone strike killed 50 in Kunar, allegedly including senior Taliban leader Maulawi Nur Mohammad.

August 18, 2012

  • Karzai presided over a low key ceremony in Kabul to mark the 93rd anniversary of Afghan independence from Britain (remember them?)
  • A bazaar bomb in western Afghanistan killed four civilians. A roadside bomb in the south killed a NATO soldier.
  • A drone strike in Pakistan killed five allies of powerful warlord Mullah Bahadur.
  • Iranians are trading truckloads of rials for dollars in American-occupied Afghanistan, now that American and European sanctions have set off a currency crisis in Iran.
  • Experts have determined that Afghanistan has enough hydropower, gas, and oil to produce 30 megawatts of electricity per year, enough to make it self-sufficient and restore the Afghan economy with energy exports alone. So far, security concerned have scared away most foreign investors, but the China National Petroleum Company recently signed a 25-year deal with Afghanistan’s Watan Oil and Gas for access to 160 million barrels of oil from oil fields in Northern Afghanistan.
  • Ahmad Rashid writes that the Taliban are fearful of a civil war because they know that, unlike in the 1990s, they could not win this one: the government would hole up in fortress cities, leaving the countryside to the Taliban, and the northern warlords are now re-armed and would halt any Taliban expansion north.

August 15, 2012

  • Abdul Rahim Wardak caused panic by quitting as Minister of Defense. Parliament had pressured him to resign by giving him (and interior minister Bismillah Khan Mohammadi) votes of no-confidence, but Karzai had asked him to stay until he could be replaced. Parliamentarians claimed they voted to oust the two ministers for failing to protect the country from recent Pakistani military incursions into Kunar Province, but some speculate that this vote may have actually been a move by the Pushtoons in government to disempower the Tajiks ahead of the impending NATO withdrawal.
  • The border war between Pakistan and Afghanistan continues to heat up. Shelling from Pakistan has displaced almost 600 families from seven villages in Kunar. Karzai is demanding that Pakistani President Asif Ali Zardari put an end to attacks on Afghan territory. Pakistani officials counter that Afghanistan’s spy agency has been planning car bomb attacks in Islamabad and Lahore and have helped Taliban commander Fazlullah attack Pakistan from bases in Afghanistan. In June, they say, militants from Afghanistan attacked a Pakistani border post, killed six soldiers and kidnapped 17 others, whom they later beheaded.
  • A bicycle bomb wounded 14 people at a market in western Afghanistan, and a roadside bomb killed four children in Paktika.
  • The US military is winding down a year-long “surge” in Ghazni aimed at securing the Kabul-Kandahar road, That surge raised troops levels in Ghazni Province from 1,000 to 3,000 but the surge does not seem to have accomplished anything.
  • Many sources now say the uprisings against the Taliban by villagers in Ghazni’s Andar district and in Laghman actually represented a turf war between the Taliban and another radical Islamist group, Hekmatyar’s Hezb-e Islam.

August 14, 2012

  • Three US marines were shot dead by an Afghan worker at a base in southern Afghanistan. Three other US marines from a Special Forces unit were killed earlier in the day by a man in an Afghan police uniform.
  • Suicide bombers attacked multiple targets all across Afghanistan killing at least 46 civilians.
  • The Taliban have killed a man accused of kidnapping a child in Qarabagh after government officials failed to move against him.

August 10, 2012

  • Finance Minister Omar Zakhilwal broke down crying at a meeting he himself had called with foreign diplomats to refute charges of corruption leveled against him by TOLO TV. On August 1, TOLO broadcast bank statements showing that payments of $1.5 million had been made into the minister’s bank accounts over the past five years, and that half a million deposited into a Canadian bank account of his in 2010 brought his total holdings there to more than one million dollars. Tolo has alleged that the money comes from bribes: it claims finance ministry officials took $3 million under the table from a private company called Global Link in exchange for giving them a $12 million tax break. Zakhilwal wrote a letter to the New York Times claimed that he earned extra money from consulting work he did for the World Bank and for teaching at Canada’s Carlton University. The World Bank denies paying him anything and the University states that his salary there was $1,000 per month, not the $1,500 per day Zakhilwal has claimed.
  • An Afghan police officer sharing a meal with three U.S. Marines suddenly shot them dead and fled. One day earlier an Afghan soldier turned on his fellow NATO soldiers but they gunned him down before he could get off a shot..
  • An Afghan bank worker named Habib Rahman is suing the British government for helping the American military draw up a secret kill list targeting insurgents and drug dealers. Rahman lost five relatives to a missile strike that was meant to kill an insurgent named Mohammed Amin but instead killed Rahman’s relative Zabet Aminullah. Rahman’s lawyers are asking that the British government disclose how it chooses targets for the kill list.
  • U.S. Army Sgt. Walter Taylor, on trial for murder after he killed a female Afghan doctor during a 2011 firefight with insurgents, has been acquitted of all charges. She was a bystander passing by when the American troops were ambushed by insurgents.
  • A roadside bomb killed six Afghan civilians in Helmand Province.

August 9, 2012

  • Taekwondo master Rohullah Nikpai won a bronze model at the London Olympics, just as he had done at the Beijing Olympics four years ago. Nikpah grew up in a refugee camp in Iran and is ranked 13th by the World Taekwondo Federation (in his weight class.) He runs an electronics business in Kabul to make ends meet.
  • Sprinter Tahmina Kohistani, Afghanistan’s only female athlete at the Olympics, failed to qualify in the 100-meter race but set a personal best time in the qualifying race and returned to much acclaim at home. Kohistani ran in a headdress and in clothing that covered her arms and legs.
  • Suicide bombers killed three senior officers of America’s 4th Infantry Division 4th Brigade, stationed in Kunar.
  • Most Afghan Sikhs and Hindus are struggling to escape Afghanistan, claiming they’ve endured worse persecution under Karzai than under the Taliban.
  • August 8, 2012
  • Two suicide bombings killed three NATO troops in eastern Afghanistan; meanwhile a bus bombing in Farah killed five Afghans.
  • Holland’s Maurits R. Jochems will represent NATO in Afghanistan.

August 7, 2012

  • Two men wearing Afghan national army uniforms killed their American trainer in eastern Afghanistan, the 21st green-on-blue killing of the year. A video posted online showed Taliban commanders giving a hero’s welcome to one of the first green-on-blue assassins Ghazi Mahmoud, who turned upon the American soldiers in his unit and killed three of them.
  • A remote-controlled bomb blew up a mini-bus outside Kabul, killing nine civilians. Meanwhile, a suicide truck bomb exploded at a NATO military base south of Kabul and an ambush in Kapisa killed a French soldier.

August 6, 2012

  • Anti-government militants used a poor little donkey to deliver a bomb that killed a police officer in Ghor.
  • Belgium withdrew the first of its troops from Afghanistan. France turned over a base it was occupying to Afghan forces and announced that it will withdraw 2,000 of its troops from the country this year. A district governor in Wardak province warned, however, that Afghan forces in his district are not ready to take over security duties and British Prime Minister David Cameron declared that handing control of Afghanistan over to Afghans as currently planned will only help Al Qaeda.
  • Pushtoon nomads have been attacking Hazara villages in Wardak.
  • August 5, 2012
  • Insurgents ambushed a bus near Bagram and killed six civilians.

August 4, 2012

  • A Hazara military commander in Bamiyan led a raid that killed nine Pushtoon villagers, allegedly as a reprisal for anti-Hazara attacks by Pushtoons.
  • Pressure is mounting in the US congress to have the Haqqani network declared a terrorist organization. A study by the Combating Terrorism Center at West Point, New York shows that the Haqqani network has morphed from an insurgent group into a sophisticated organized-crime outfit, profiting from extortion, racketeering, kidnapping-for-ransom, and illegal trafficking. It has also forged alliances with al Qaeda, various Talibanist movements, and the Pakistan military and intelligence agencies. It receives donations from private sources in the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Kuwait and Saudi Arabia and extracts “protection fees” from development projects funded by NATO countries and other outside donors. It also collects taxes from various smuggling mafias, and exploits corruption within the Afghan government to control the trade in chromite, a rare-earth mineral found in Afghanistan which is essential to producing stainless steel. The network also controls numerous legal enterprises including hospitals, religious schools, real estate, trucking, and construction firms, and import-export companies.

August 3, 2012

  • A member of the government-backed Afghan Local Police in Uruzgan murdered eleven people and fled into hiding.
  • Insurgents launched simultaneous attacks all over Kunar. A bomb hidden in a small-town mosque in Nangarhar wounded 19.
  • The US Senate confirmed James Cunningham as America’s new ambassador to Afghanistan.
  • U.S. and Pakistani spy chiefs met, talked, and discovered that they could not agree on a single thing.
  • Britain has a new spy “nano-drone,” a 7-ounce airplane only 9 inches around. It has two cameras and can fly for 8 hours and hover for 30 minutes. Its “pilot” operates the drone remotely from a control room thousands of miles away.

August 2, 2012

  • Signs of “withdrawal anxiety” ahead of the upcoming pullout of NATO troops are proliferating. Afghans seeking asylum in industrialized countries , which was 34% higher in 2011 than in 2010, is rising even more steeply now. The Kabul real estate market has slumped: houses that went for a $100,000 last year are price at $60,000 now and attracting no offers. Homes that rented for $10,000 a month two years ago now rent for $4,000 a month Insurgent attacks from April to June of this year were up 11% compared to the same period last year.
  • The Ministry of Interior said it foiled an Haqqani network operation with a pre-dawn raid that killed five of Haqqani’s agents.
  • Afghan and NATO troops killed 24 insurgents in a 24-hour period. Insurgents killed 5 civilians in Logar
  • Afghanistan’s largest solar power plant, which will supply electricity to 2500 homes and business, is being built in Bamiyan by the New Zealand companies, NetCon Ltd. and Sustainable Energy Services International.
  • The latest congressional budget estimate shows that America has spent $443 billion on the war in Afghanistan so far.
  • In Herat, the 35-year-old child-rapist Wakil Ahmad has been sentenced to 50 years in prison.

August 1, 2012

  • In the last two days of July, insurgents killed 13 people; NATO and Afghan troops killed 22.
  • July 31, 2012
  • Sources in Herat claim that, increasingly, Afghan government security officials are working with local kidnapping-for-profit syndicates.

July 30, 2012

  • U.S. government inspectors found that several Afghan police bases on the Pakistan border funded by 19 million American dollars are deserted: no word on the whereabouts of the police supposedly stationed there.
  • Five of seven planned US infrastructure projects that were meant to woo the population away from the insurgents in the south have never even been started. Now that the withdrawal is coming, they never will be. The projects included power lines, diesel generators, and “justice centers.”
  • Karzai has cancelled all debts incurred by the national airline Ariana, clearing the way for Ariana to buy $23 million worth of new planes. 

July 29, 2012

  • President Karzai issued a sweeping order aimed at restoring respect for his government. His order mandates that corruption cases be prosecuted, nepotism be discouraged, and officials stop grabbing land illegally. He posted his 33 chapter, 164-article decree on his website after donor nations at a recent conference in Tokyo pledged billions of dollars of development aid to Afghanistan provided the Afghan government reduce corruption. Some Afghan parliamentarians scoffed at the idea of eliminating corruption by decree. Newspapers cautiously applauded the order until they came to an article aimed at “reforming” the media by establishing “minimum quality standards.” These include banning the use of foreign words in news broadcast and forbidding criticism of the country’s traditions and customs.
  • Over 100 Afghans were arrested in Pakistan as undocumented illegal aliens, part of a growing move in Pakistan to oust all Afghan refugees from its soil by the end of this year. The Afghan Ministry of Refugees and Repatriates has warned that it will not let Pakistan make unilateral decisions regarding Afghan refugees in Pakistan.
  • Tajikistan has sealed its border with the Afghan province of Badakhshan to keep out supporters of Tolib Ayombekov, a Tajik militant accused of killing a Tajikistani provincial security chief. NATO supply trucks will still be permitted to cross.
  • A law aimed at restraining big fat Afghan weddings is proving difficult to enforce.
  • Italy and Spain are cutting back on their development aid to Afghanistan, they themselves being in such deep economic trouble.

July 28, 2012

  • A US drone attack Sunday killed seven militants in Pakistan.

July 26, 2012

  • Hayatullah Dayani, former head of the national Pashtany Bank, has been sentenced to 20 years of imprisonment for stealing $26 million from 2006 to 2008.
  • Police in Samangan say a pregnant woman named Khal Mina, who was found hanging in her home, did not commit suicide as originally thought but was murdered.
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Romney’s Pranks

 

 

Romney’s Pranks

 

When I was a freshman at Carleton College in the mid-sixties, I was one of three guys on campus with long hair. Lots of people made fun of us, the usual gibe being: “Are you a boy or a girl?” One day, I went into a dorm called Musser, reputed to be “the jock’s dorm.” Ten or twelve guys saw me in the hall and began to jeer. Sensing trouble, I tried to push past them, but one said “Let’s cut off his hair.”  I knew this was bad. I tried to bolt, but the pack caught me and swiftly brought me down. Suddenly one of them had a pair of scissors. They all tried to hold me down as the one boy worked the scissors, but I kept wriggling and struggling, so he kept stabbing the scissors into my skull accidentally. Probably, I should have stopped struggling.  Just-let-it-happen would have been the safe move.  But I was freaked out beyond reason at that point, simply flailing like an animal. Fortunately, just then, my friend Rich Libby wandered into Musser, saw what was happening, and waded in. Rich was a wrestler, a burly guy, and between us we managed to get me out of that place. It took me a while to get unjangled though.  And I never forgot that this thing had happened.

A couple of years ago, I went back to Carleton for a 40th reunion. My wife and I were staying in a fancy new dorm. Late that first night, some other alum stumbled in and took the room next to ours. The next day, I ran into this fellow in the hall and we walked to the dining room together. He looked familiar, and his name rang a bell, but I couldn’t place him till we got to talking about college days and he told me he had lived in Musser. Then it all snapped clear: he was part of that pack that tried to cut my hair: the ringleader in fact. I could tell he didn’t remember me, and he didn’t remember the episode. For him, it had not been memorable.

I thought about that event recently, when the story came out about Romney joining a pack of boys in college to cut some guy’s hair. He said he had no memory of the event. He said it was just a college prank. His campaign said people should not be held accountable for pranks they may have committed in college.

Pranks. I thought back to those guys attacking me with scissors in Musser Hall, and “prank” is not how I would describe what they were doing. What I felt from them was not humor but hatred. Not for me personally, to be sure, but for something I apparently represented, because I had long hair a year or two before long hair became a commonplace for guys.

Short-sheeting a pal—that, to me, is a prank. Forming up as a gang going after some guy with a pair of scissors, even if only to cut his hair—that’s a hate crime. As hate crimes go, it’s a trivial one, but let’s be clear on the essential character of the act. And when I thought about the guy I met at the reunion, and when I heard about Romney’s so-called prank in his college, I thought: “What kind of a guy would do a thing like that?”

Romney’s campaign has made much of the trivial nature of the prank. It was long ago, the American people have real issues, big issues, to worry about, why dredge up some moment of lighthearted merry-making from long ago? But I’m thinking it goes back to the question: “What kind of a guy would do a thing like that?”

“What-kind-of-guy” is, I think, a legitimate question to ask, even all these years later, because Romney’s career after college raises the same question for me—and suggests the same answer. What kind of guy ? A bully without much obvious capacity for empathy. As head of a private equity firm called Bain, Romney practiced what he calls “creative destruction.” He paints a picture of himself as a disciplined businessman, strengthening the overall economy by whipping inefficient companies into shape and culling those too hopelessly flawed to deserve survival. He would have us see him as analogous to those guys who buy decrepit buildings, fix them up, and sell them for a profit. In fact, Romney’s formula was quite the opposite from that of the house-flippers. What he (and Bain) often did, it seems, was to buy firms in the pink of health and bleed them dry.

Pete Kotz, writing for the Seattle Weekly this April, chronicles how, in the 1990s, as head of Bain, Romney bought a highly successful company called Georgetown Steel, which employed 750 people. This company’s workers had great benefits including a handsome profit-sharing plan that kept them loyal. Based on the company’s productivity, Bain borrowed millions of dollars and paid it out as dividends to Bain investors and as fees to Romney himself and to the Bain management team he installed. These payments required that costs be cut to balance the books, so the new team eliminated profit sharing, cut down on maintenance, and stopped upgrading equipment. Four years later Georgetown went broke, and the 750 workers lost their jobs; Bain however managed to unload the company and its debt, and the bankruptcy did not hurt Romney and his investors at all, because they had already gotten their money early. Seen purely as an investment, Georgetown Steel was a success story.

Kotz offers another case in point: American Pad & Paper, which Bain bought in 1994. This Indiana plant had so much business,  it was running three shifts a day. The new Bain team fired all 258 workers and had them reapply for their same old jobs at lower wages. Their health-care benefits were cut by 50 percent. The cost-cutting improved the bottom line. Even so, six months later, Bain shut down the plant and shipped the jobs to Mexico.

Want more?  The century-old Armco steel mill in Kansas City, Missouri, was another booming firm with a generous profit-sharing plan for its workers. Romney bought it, combined it with two other companies, and formed a new conglomerate, GS Industries. Armco cost Romney $75 million. He paid $8 million down and borrowed the rest. After the acquisition, he immediately borrowed another $36 million by issuing bonds. This money went to Bain and its investors—i.e. to Romney and his cronies. Romney thus spent $8 million to get $36 million—but left GSI carrying a debt of $378 million. Bain went on charging GSI $900,000 a year in management fees and borrowed $97 million more to retool the plant: a company that had previously made an array of products now made only wire rods. To service the company’s massive debt, the new management cut down on maintenance. They stopped purchasing spare parts and when equipment broke, they rented instead of buying. They also cut funding for the pension plan.

Then GSI went bankrupt. The Armco workers in Kansas City all lost their jobs. The pension plan was so underfunded by then that the bankruptcy court drastically cut the pensions they were hoping to collect, now that they were out of work; even the shrunken payments they did get required that the feds—i.e. taxpayers—chip in $44 million to cover the gap. The bankruptcy did not hurt the people at Bain because they had already pocketed their millions, and the debt belonged to GSI, not to them; they could simply walk away from the corpse.

It turns out that Bain did not, as a rule, buy troubled companies and turn them around with ruthless efficiency and good management. What they often did was to buy profitable companies, use the profitability to borrow money, pocket the borrowed money as dividends, fees, and salaries, and leave the firm dying or dead. Financial writer Josh Kossman disputes the term “vulture capitalism” for such firms because “… vultures eat dead carcasses.” Romney’s Bain, by contrast, sought out healthy companies and fed on them.

To be sure, this is not what happened every time. Some companies bought and run for a while by Bain were still healthy when sold. How many? What’s the ratio? Well, it’s hard to tell because Bain won’t provide a list of the companies it has purchased—and it is not required to by law. But a Wall Street Journal study of 77 known Romney investments seems to show that one-third of the companies he bought ended up foundering and 20 percent of them went bankrupt. Four of the companies that went broke were among Romney’s top-10 moneymakers.

What kind of guy would lead a pack to wrestle down some poor guy and cut off his hair because they thought he was gay—and think of it as a prank? Well–the kind of guy who would operate as Romney did when he headed up Bain—that’s the kind of guy who might do it. (Pete Kotz’s article ran in the Seattle Weekly on April 18, 2012.)

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What Is Money?

Puzzled Musing

 

What Is Money?

 

 

I once ran across a a website called Zeitgeist that was peddling a paranoid conspiracy theory about money and the Federal Reserve and banking in general. The paranoia seemed to stem from the writers’ observation that in the money system as it currently stands, banks create money by issuing debt, thus essentially (it seems) creating money out of thin air. The website saw this as a sinister sleight of hand.

Actually, the equivalency of money and debt matches up pretty closely to what I’ve read in a bunch of books about money–except that economists seem to know and take for granted that money is nothing but debt personified, and are not freaked out by it.

What freaks me out is the fact that the money-system seems so inherently insubstantial: it is nothing but the interconnected faith of many people about what everyone else believes and what they’re going to do based on that belief; it all works when everyone is on the same page, believing together, but when that interconnection breaks down or that faith disappears, the money vanishes. It doesn’t “go somewhere.” It just ceases to exist. Economists all appear to know this, but most, I find, tend to think of gold and silver in a different light–those forms of money are “tangible,” they say. They’re “real money.” And as long as paper money is backed by gold, the experts seem to say, then the paper money is more real.

To me, the puzzling crux of the matter comes in that phrases “backed by.” I’m a know-nothing in the discipline of economics, but as far as I can see, gold and silver are no more tangible than paper in their character as money–that is to say, as personifications of value. What actually and ultimately backs up any currency, whether it’s paper, gold, or conch shells, is real-world economic activity: stuff you can use, activity that produces stuff you can use, ingenuity that contributes to the production of stuff you can use, and above all the interactivity that helps make the stuff you can use more lavish, more complex, and more accessible to all involved.

My brother Riaz once wrote me a letter suggesting that charging interest for a loan is inherently a Ponzi scheme because when it’s time to pay back the loan, that extra money has to come from somewhere and hence

 it must come out of someone else’s pocket–a person who then has to take out a loan (at interest) to cover the expenditure, and so on in an endless, expanding chain. But that’s true only in a barter system.

In any more sophisticated economic system, a system based on credit (and hence debt) when a person borrows money to invest in a productive enterprise, the money grows, or at least it does if the enterprise succeeds in becoming productive. That is, the amount of economic activity and interactivity grows. And if that happens, when it’s time to pay back the loan, there actually is more of the fundamental underlying substance that money represents, the essence of value: more shoes, more food, more services, more exchange of above, etc. In short, there is actually more money.

It seems to me that we writers, artists, and other information-workers are getting pinched right now because the economic system, which is the network of all people amongst whom money is circulating (i.e. who are contributing economic value, and at some later time taking out economic value) are saying, “You can’t join this club, you’re not entitled to receive economic-value from the pool of value we’re creating because you’re not putting any value into the pool–your novel, your short story, your essays and whatnot, have no money value, because we can get all that stuff for free now, thanks to the Internet (and other technologies). As more and more people are told, “You’re not contributing anything we want and therefore you can’t be part of our club,” the club shrinks. And the shrinking of the club = the disappearing of money.

Anyway, that’s how it looks to me.

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